Reichstag Fire, 1933. Original image by Imperial War Museums. Uploaded by Mark Cartwright, published on 10 October 2024.
April 28, 2025
By Kiran Mediratta

Emerging from the rubble of the Second World War, the fate of Germany was clouded in uncertainty. A humiliated and destroyed Germany had been defeated by the Allied powers, and the Allies cut Germany down the center, awarding lands to neighboring countries and forming East and West Germany—the West controlled by the United States and the United Kingdom, and the East by the Soviet Union. The Soviet controlled East shut itself off from a healing Europe while the West began a long journey of regaining its old position of respect and prosperity. West Germany’s first chancellor, Konrad Adenauer, had his work cut out for him. However, to the surprise of most, West Germany began to rise from its ashes, becoming the commanding economic force of the European Union and a leader for liberal democracy around the world. Contrastingly, East Germany remained under the thumb of the Soviet Union, secluded from the free world. West and East Germany reunified in 1990 to create a prosperous and democratic modern Germany; a reunification many thought would happen soon after the Second World War, and it has prospered since reunification in 1990. But slowly, democratic institutions can erode if precautions are not taken in times of prosperity. In Germany, particularly in the East, a far-right party continues to make headlines, challenge the mainstream parties, and steadily grow in popularity with each election. Thirty years ago, a united Germany’s ascent to the top of the European order was inevitable; today, German liberal democracy faces its strongest challenge from the far-right since the rise of Hitler: Alternativ für Deutschland

Scholars are torn over the democratization process. Many theories suggest that democratic values must be instilled into a people over time to be truly appreciated, and that, without this foundation, democracy crumbles. Other theories propose that democracies can survive anywhere, and that democracy is a collective achievement of humanity, spread by reading, studying, and understanding its history. This debate is still without an answer, but Cold War Germany may provide some solace. 

After the First World War, Germany’s first democratization attempt in the Weimar Republic failed spectacularly, paving the way for the rise of Nazi Germany. West Germany learned from the mistakes of the Weimar Republic and created strong institutions to protect and promote democracy, established firm alliances with the liberal world order, and began to reconcile with victims of the war. The economy boomed in the late 50s-60s—the “Wirtschaftswunder”—as market connectedness and foreign investment increased. The new democratic institutions were succeeding. Chancellors demonstrated exemplary behavior and leadership, regaining the trust of their people. Calls from student protestors to institute change were reflected by government policy, and social support services were created to aid those affected by the war, such as mothers and the elderly. West Germany became a harbinger of liberal democracy and economic prosperity—a leader of the free world. 

East Germany was, in many ways, the opposite of the West. The Soviet Union implemented a closed puppet state without political participation or inclusivity. East Germans were taught to value equality and materialism. Regardless of social identifiers, East Germans worked hard for the state. The government left chivalrous traditions behind, minimized artwork and expression, and detested religion as a threat to the state (to this day, eastern parts of Germany are far less religious than the rest of Germany). With little access to international cultural, trade, and informational networks, a majority of East Germans believed the state was integral to individual well-being and came to view foreign influence with skepticism. People could not trust the values that they were isolated from. Democracy remained absent in East Germany until East Germans rallied for the state’s downfall and a reunified Germany.

Today, modern Germany is considered to be one of the world’s most robust democracies. To understand the AfD’s influence in government, we must first understand how the German government functions. Germany uses a mixed-member proportional representation system (MMP), meaning roughly half of the representatives in Germany’s lower house, the Bundestag, are elected from single-member districts, and the other half are elected by party list to ensure the Bundestag proportionally reflects the national vote. Coalitions are essential due to the multiparty system. To govern, a coalition must have 50% of the seats in the Bundestag; theoretically possible with only one party, but highly unlikely. Parties not part of the coalition still have seats in the Bundestag and can still influence legislation, however, a party must obtain 5% of the national vote or win three seats to be in the Bundestag. With these strong institutional designs, a fringe party has difficulty entering and taking over the government like the Nazis were able to do in the Weimar Republic, however a timeline of the AfD’s popularity shows German democratic institutions may not be as shatterproof as we thought.

Short AfD timeline:

2013 marked over two decades since reunification. Germany was Europe’s largest economy and the driving member of the European Union, an organization facing financial tumult. Many Germans were critical of the euro currency and the EU bailout program for Greece. They believed the euro single currency and the European Union were weakening Germany’s political and economic independence. Thus, the AfD (Alternative for Germany) was founded as an anti-euro, anti-European Union, and nationalist party. 

The 2015-2016 European migrant crisis revealed Europe’s ineptitude to address immigration with thought and purpose. Millions of refugees left their war-torn homelands in the Middle East, such as Afghanistan, Syria, and Iraq, to seek asylum in the European Union. Chancellor Angela Merkel and the CDU understood the situation as a humanitarian crisis and believed Germany could take the proper steps to support an influx of over one million migrants. In response to worries about Germany’s ability to support these migrants, Chancellor Merkel stated, “Wir Schaffen Das,” meaning “we can overcome this challenge.”  However, many Germans, especially those in economically deficient or politically underrepresented regions, such as parts of former East Germany, disagreed and felt the government was ignoring their needs. A valuable opportunity for the far right to capitalize on, the AfD minimized their anti-euro stances and sought to connect to these voters by doubling down on their nationalist tendencies. By championing anti-immigration, the AfD tapped a deeply unhappy vein in Germany.

The AfD today is a controversial party. With nationalist, anti-immigration, pro-Russia, and forewarning of Germany’s “Islamification” stances, the AfD is the first far-right party in the postwar period to challenge German liberal democracy.  The mainstream parties, such as the Social Democrats (SPD) and Christian Democrats (CDU), have vowed not to form a coalition with the AfD, but this is becoming increasingly difficult as support for the AfD rises. 

Find the 2025 election results for the Bundestag below: 

Photo: Deutsche Welle

The Christian Democratic Union, along with its Bavarian sister party, the Christian Social Union (CDU/CSU), won the most seats in the Bundestag with 208. The AfD followed with 152 seats, the Social Democratic Party (SPD) in third with 120, and the Left in fourth with 64. The CDU is anticipated to go into coalition with the SPD, narrowly gaining a majority in the legislature. The AfD’s 152 seats are a serious roadblock to forming a coalition, and jeopardize the mainstream parties’ vow not to go into coalition with the AfD.

In the map, the blue marking of the AfD is almost entirely concentrated within the borders of former East Germany. Although today Germany is one country, the historical contrast between an open border liberal democracy and a closed puppet state has created deep political rifts between the East and West that extend beyond reunification. East Germans did not experience the political and economic success story that West Germany did. East Germans understand what it feels like to have a detached government and system that does not prioritize basic needs. With weaker infrastructure, less investment, lower salaries, and less social and economic mobility, the East remains disadvantaged, and the lasting effects of the closed state have made migrant acculturation particularly difficult. In addition, many East Germans feel that the West can be arrogant and disregard their culture and achievements. Extremist parties do not arise from thin air—the ingredients for the right’s ascent have been brewing for many years, and the AfD has tapped into these grievances. 

Former East Germans do not exclusively support the AfD, and the AfD is not concentrated only in the East. The SPD won constituencies in the East, the AfD won only narrow victories in the north of eastern Germany, and the AfD won constituencies in Rhineland-Palatinate and North Rhine-Westphalia (parts of former West Germany). Irrespective of location, the rise of the party and its utilization of populist rhetoric presents a threat to liberal democracy in Germany. Many AfD voters employ undemocratic, racist, fascist, and xenophobic rhetoric, and are largely representative of contemporary neo-Nazis and fascist movements. Members of the AfD spearheaded a secret meeting in November of 2013 with neo-Nazis formulating a plan to ethnically expel citizens and noncitizens alike from Germany. It is important to recognize the distinction between AfD voters who must be condemned for their extremist views and AfD voters in former East Germany whose support is likely shaped by historical, political, geographic, and economic circumstances. The future of liberal democracy is at risk if we do not attempt to understand the reasons and sentiments that contributed to the rise of the AfD.

Liberal Democracy thrived in the West, but without a strong democratic foundation in the East, people turn to whomever they believe can protect their basic needs and values, even if it splinters the country in two. Germany has reached great heights, caused great destruction, been torn down the center and sewn back together, but it has shown that in times of despair, peace can emerge. Germany was united under liberal democracy at its reunification; it can happen again.

Kiran Mediratta can be reached at mediratta1@kenyon.edu


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